- 


GIFT   OF 


IAN    ' 


THE  RECOGNITION 


OF 


THE  CHINESE  REPUBLIC 

ADDRESS  OF 
MAJOR  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  M.D.,  A.B.,  LLB.,  F.R.G.S. 

President  of  the  China  Society  of  America,  Author  of 
"  The  Triumph  of  Japan,"  "  Social  Waste  of  a  Great  City," 
"From  Tokio  through  Manchuria  with  the  Japanese," 
"  The  Triumph  of  Scientific  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War 
in  Foreign  Lands,"  etc.,  etc. 


DELIVERED  AT 

THE  CONFERENCE  ON  RECENT  DEVELOPMENTS 
IN  CHINA 

HELD  AT  CLARK  UNIVERSITY,  WORCESTER 
NOVEMBER  ?Mi?  191?; 


NEW  YORK,  1912 


THE  RECOGNITION 


OF 


THE  CHINESE  REPUBLIC 


ADDRESS  OF 
MAJOR  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  M.D.,  A.B.,  LLB.,  F.R.G.S. 

President  of  the  China  Society  of  America,  Author  of 
"  The  Triumph  of  Japan,"  "  Social  Waste  of  a  Great  City," 
"  From  Tokio  through  Manchuria  with  the  Japanese," 
"  The  Triumph  of  Scientific  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War 
in  Foreign  Lands,"  etc.,  etc. 


DELIVERED   AT 

THE  CONFERENCE  ON  RECENT  DEVELOPMENTS 
IN  CHINA 

HELD  AT  CLARK  UNIVERSITY,  WORCESTER 
NOVEMBER  13th,  1912 


NEW  YORK,  1912 


THE  RECOGNITION  OF  THE  CHINESE  REPUBLIC. 


The  problem  of  the  Orient  is  the  problem  of  the  Twentieth 
Century,  and  to-day,  China  is  its  key.  The  most  eventful  year 
of  modern  times  in  the  life  of  the  Chinese  people  has  just  passed 
into  history.  They  have  escaped  from  the  despotism  of  a  cor- 
rupt monarchy  to  the  freedom  of  a  Republic.  The  problems 
which  now  confront  them  are  the  recognition  of  their  govern- 
ment as  a  Republic  by  foreign  nations,  and  the  adjustment  of 
their  finances.  Unless  these  are  arranged  to  the  satisfaction  of 
a  powerful  syndicate  of  bankers,  backed  by  the  diplomats  of 
their  various  countries,  it  has  been  intimated  that  the  partition- 
ing of  the  country  may  be  apprehended  as  a  probable  eventuality. 

It  might  have  been  hoped  that  the  carnival  of  territorial 
lust,  which  for  centuries  caused  untold  bloodshed  the  world 
over,  had  culminated  in  the  partitioning  of  Africa — the  last 
of  the  continents  to  be  parceled  off  by  the  world's  looters,  who 
in  the  division  of  the  spoils,  followed,  as  the  robber  barons  of 
feudal  times, 

"The  good  old  rule,  the  simple  plan, 
That  they  should  take  who  have  the  power, 
And  they  should  keep  who  can/* 

But  look  at  China  to-day — that  grand  old  country,  with  its 
great  wall  which  for  over  twenty  centuries  protected  it  from 
the  hordes  of  Tartars  and  Mongols  on  the  North,  while  its 
Thibetan  ranges  on  the  West,  and  impenetrable  forests  on  the 
South,  permitted  it  to  live  in  peace  and  tranquility  thousands 
of  years,  with  no  fear  of  molestation  by  "foreign  devils,"  from 
land  or  sea.  And  in  this  time  the  beautiful  but  fallacious 
philosophy  of  Confucius,  which  taught  the  rule  of  moral  suasion 
rather  than  that  by  might,  grew  until  its  essence  was  expressed 
in  the  proverb,  "Better  have  no  child  than  one  who  is  a  soldier" 
- — this,  too,  in  a  land  where  it  is  considered  a  disgrace  to  die 
•childless. 

And  what  was  the  natural  result :  A  condition  of  insecurity, 
of  defencelessness,  of  inability  to  enforce  that  first  law  of  nature 
— self-protection — followed,  which,  when  realized  by  the  Occi- 
dental nations,  resulted  in  their  seizing  great  sections  of  her 
domains  upon  trivial  excuses,  and  wringing  most  valuable  con- 
cessions from  her  rulers. 


As  a  direct  result  of  this  spoliation,  the  worm  at  last 
turned,  and  the  Boxer  uprising  of  1900  followed,  having  for  its 
declared  purpose  the  forcible  expulsion  of  all  foreigners  from 
the  country,  and  the  recovery  by  China  of  her  despoiled  pos- 
sessions. I  say,  without  fear  of  contradiction  by  those  who 
are  familiar  with  that  issue  (and  I  was  there),  that  that  up- 
rising was  one  of  the  most  splendid  exhibitions  of  patriotism 
witnessed  in  modern  times.  The  methods  pursued  by  the  Chinese, 
due  to  the  ignorance  of  their  misguided  leaders,  and  the  horrors 
that  followed,  have  afforded  the  theme  for  many  a  tragic  tale 
and  numberless  explanatory  theories.  But  the  plain  fact  cannot 
be  gainsaid,  nor  too  strongly  emphasized,  that  the  essential  mo- 
tive of  that  propaganda  was  the  freeing  of  the  land  from  the 
hated  foreigners,  who,  in  current  phrase,  had  "robbed  the  people 
of  their  country." 

It  was  then,  that  in  reprisal  and  revenge,  the  so-called  civ- 
ilized world  turned  against  them.  The  eight  allied  armies  of 
the  "great  powers"  marched  to  their  capital,  slaughtered  their 
people,  raped  their  women,  looted  their  temples,  their  treasure 
and  their  habitations,  committed  brutalities  that  would  have  made 
Nero  envious,  and  created  a  sentiment  in  China  which  fairly 
crucified  Christianity,  and  which  should  redound  to  the  shame 
and  humiliation  of  the  Christian  nations  whose  forces  partici- 
pated in  the  outrages;  but  which,  instead,  secured  monstrous 
indemnities  and  subjected  China  to  the  most  humiliating  terms 
of  peace  that  were  ever  inflicted  upon  a  nation,  and  that  have 
kept  her  poverty-stricken  ever  since.  America,  however,  has 
reason  for  pride  in  that  she  waived  claims  to  over  half  the  in- 
demnity, whilst  her  great  statesman,  John  Hay,  succeeded  tem- 
porarily in  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  country  by  his  splendid 
policy  of  the  "open  door." 

Never  shall  I  forget  that  winter  at  Ching  Wan  Tao,  fol- 
lowing the  war,  where  detachments  of  the  allied  army  were 
gathered  awaiting  the  fate  of  China.  They  reminded  me  of  a 
pack  of  hungry  wolves  around  the  carcass  of  a  deaV*  animal — 
each  fearing  to  set  his  fangs  in  the  carcass,  lest  while  so  engaged 
his  neighbor  might  do  the  same  with  him.  And  so  during  the 
long  negotiations  that  finally  led  to  the  declaration  of  peace,  the 
situation  continued. 

Four  years  later  I  again  visited  that  scene,  and  there,  in 
smaller  numbers,  were  found  the  troops  of  many  of  the  nations 
still  waiting,  ready  to  seize  the  first  opportunity  to  partition  the 
country  and  to  secure  their  share  of  the  spoil.  But  more  press- 
ing engagements  were  then  imminent,  involving  the  attention  of 
some  of  the  powers.  The  Russo-Japanese  struggle  was  on,  and 


257205 


China  was  given  a  temporary  respite.  From  that  time  until  the 
outbreak  of  the  revolution  which  led  to  the  establishment  of  the 
Republic,  China  paid  the  indemnity  claims  with  such  regularity 
that  no  opportunity  was  found  for  interference. 

For  more  than  three-quarters  of  a  century,  beginning  with 
the  unrighteous  Opium  War  of  England,  down  to  the  equally 
unrighteous  Boxer  War  of  1900,  and  even  later,  China  has 
been  subected  to  a  series  of  squeezes  and  despoilment  of  her  ter- 
ritory to  an  extent  unequalled  in  history.  The  iniquitous  in- 
demnities wrung  from  her  as  the  result  of  the  Boxer  campaign 
would  have  been  reversed,  and  the  countries  now  receiving  them 
would  be  paying  for  the  outrages  committed,  had  right,  instead 
of  might,  prevailed.  The  powerful  governments  and  financial 
institutions  doing  business  in  the  Orient  have  become  obsessed 
with  the  idea  that  it  is  legitimate  business  to  "squeeze"  the  coun- 
try, regardless  of  right  or  justice,  and  in  the  present  instance  they 
are  continuing  that  policy.  The  Six-Power  group  of  bankers, 
backed  by  the  diplomacy  of  the  countries  they  represent,  before 
advocating  the  joint  recognition  of  the  Republic,  demand  first, 
an  excessive  rate  of  interest  for  money  advanced,  and  second, 
terms,  as  to  its  distribution  and  expenditure,  so  humiliating  that 
no  proud  nation  could  grant  them  without  loss  of  self-respect. 
If  these  conditions  are  not  complied  with,  the  hidden  threat  is 
intimated  that  the  intervention  of  foreign  powers  and  dismem- 
berment of  the  country  may  ensue. 

The  effect  upon  China  of  the  spoliation  of  her  territory 
and  finances  created  among  the  leading  minds  of  her  people  an 
appreciation  of  her  weakness,  and  of  the  necessity  for  the  adop- 
tion of  Occidental  methods  for  self-protection.  They  saw  the 
absolute  imbecility  of  continuing  the  policy  of  the  Manchu 
Dynasty,  and  the  necessity  for  a  change  of  government.  The 
efforts  of  her  scholars  and  statesmen  were  for  a  long  time  foiled 
by  the  opposition  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  who  never  hesi- 
tated to  decapitate  those  who  presented  too  radical  programmes 
for  reform.  But  despite  all  opposition,  the  new  spirit  grew 
and  spread  all  over  the  country,  propagated  by  Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen 
and  other  reformers,  until  the  revolution  followed,  and  the  Re- 
public became  a  reality. 

The  Chinese  Republic  deserves  formal  recognition  because 
of  the  character  of  the  revolution  which  made  it  possible.  It 
obtained  the  maximum  of  liberty  with  the  minimum  of  blood- 
shed. It  was  an  evolution  rather  than  a  revolution,  the  most 
potent  factors  of  which  were  those  of  peace,  and  not  of  war. 
They  were  the  results  of  trade  with  foreign  nations,  the  impor- 
tation of  modern  inventions,  railroads,  telegraphs,  newspapers; 


the  work  of  Christian  missionaries,  schools  and  colleges  estab- 
lished by  them;  but,  most  of  all,  the  influence  of  Chinese  stu- 
dents who  had  been  educated  in  foreign  universities,  and  who 
carried  back  to  their  native  land  the  high  ideals  of  Occidental 
government.  In  comparison  with  the  epoch-making  wars  for 
freedom  in  Occidental  lands — the  French  Revolution,  England's 
fight  for  Magna  Charta,  or  our  own  great  seven  years'  struggle 
for  Independence — the  Chinese  Revolution  was  almost  bloodless. 
It  is  stated  that  the  total  mortality  of  the  war  which  secured 
the  emancipation  of  400,000,000  of  people,  was  less  than  the 
number  lost  in  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  or  in  single  conflicts 
in  the  war  now  raging  in  the  Balkans. 

The  moderation  shown  by  the  successful  leaders  to  their 
late  rulers  was  another  striking  characteristic.  Instead  of  the 
guillotine  or  exile,  they  were  retired  with  liberal  pensions,  and 
allowed  to  retain  their  empty  titles.  The  leaders  enjoined  upon 
their  followers  the  protection  of  life  and  property,  both  commer- 
cial and  missionary,  and  these  orders  were  strictly  obeyed. 

A  people  who  carried  to  a  successful  termination  such  a 
revolution,  deserve  the  respect  and  recognition  of  the  world. 
There  are  many  qualities  inherent  in  the  Chinese  nature  which 
entitle  the  present  government  to  immediate  recognition.  The 
enemies  of  China  to-day  forget  the  traditions  of  the  race — that 
China  was  old  when  Chaldea  and  Babylon  were  young,  that  she 
saw  the  rise  and  fall  of  Grecian  and  Roman  civilization,  and 
that  she  has  maintained  the  integrity  of  her  government  and 
territory  ever  since;  that  her  scholars  discovered  the  compass 
and  invented  the  intellectual  game  of  chess,  when  our  ancestors 
in  Europe  were  groveling  in  the  darkness  of  mediaevalism ;  that 
she  produced  her  own  science,  literature,  art,  philosophy  and 
religion,  whose  founder,  Confucius,  five  hundred  years  before  the 
birth  of  Christ,  expounded  the  doctrine  of  Christianity  in  the 
saying :  "Do  not  do  unto  others  what  you  would  not  have  others 
do  unto  you."  They  forget  that  for  nearly  a  thousand  years 
China  has  been  nearer  a  democracy  in  many  features  of  its  gov- 
ernment than  any  other  government  then  in  existence.  The 
fundamental  unit  of  democracy,  the  foundation  upon  which  our 
own  government  rests,  is  embodied  in  the  principle  of  the  New 
England  town  meeting.  All  authorities  on  democracy,  De 
Tocqueville,  Bryce  and  the  Compte  de  Paris,  agree  in  this. 

In  China,  local  government  is,  in  practically  all  its  features, 
and  for  centuries  has  been,  controlled  by  local  authorities.  The 
officials  of  the  central  government  never  interfere  with  the  local 
administration,  except  for  the  collection  of  revenues  allocated 
to  Imperial  requirements.  It  is  the  opinion  of  many  authorities 


that  the  government  of  China  has  given  more  happiness  and 
more  individual  liberty  to  a  greater  mass  of  humanity  than  any 
other  government  in  the  world. 

The  Chinese  have  never  sought  territorial  aggrandizement, 
but  have  loved  the  paths  of  peace  where  the  law  of  moral  suasion, 
and  not  of  might,  ruled.  They  possess  qualities  of  industry, 
economy,  temperance  and  tranquility,  unsurpassed  by  any  nation 
on  earth.  With  these  qualities  they  are  in  the  great  race  of 
the  survival  of  the  fittest  to  stay.  They  are  to  be  feared  by 
foreign  nations  more  for  their  virtues  than  for  their  vices ;  and 
in  their  present  struggle  for  the  maintenance  of  liberty,  they 
deserve  our  earnest  sympathy  and  assistance  in  the  solution  of 
problems,  seemingly  so  different,  but  inherently  so  similar  to 
our  own. 

The  noble  qualities  of  the  race  are  illustrated  in  the  leaders 
of  the  present  movement.  President  Yuan  Shih  Kai  is  a  mas- 
terful statesman  who  inspires  confidence  in  all  who  know  him. 
Few  other  men  in  history  have  had  such  kaleidoscopic  changes 
of  fortune,  and  few  men  have  met  them  with  greater  courage 
or  possessed  the  transcendent  abilities  that  lift  one  so  high 
above  the  common  level.  The  resignation  of  the  provisional 
presidency  of  the  Republic  by  Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen  was  "an  act 
worthy  of  the  finest  traditions  of  patriotism  in  any  land."  The 
National  Assembly  in  accepting  it,  said:  "His  act  has  afforded 
the  world  an  example  of  purity  of  purpose  and  self-sacrifice 
unparalleled  in  history." 

The  Republic  is  an  established  institution  of  over  a  year's 
standing.  An  able  statesman  has  been  duly  elected  as  President 
and  the  other  machinery  of  its  government  is  in  operation.  It 
has  undertaken  to  observe  all  treaties,  and  to  discharge  all  the 
international  obligations  of  its  predecessor.  No  one  will  deny 
that  there  are  serious  military,  financial  and  political  problems 
still  to  be  solved,  but  they  are  matters  of  purely  domestic  con- 
cern. They  do  not  alter  the  fact,  which  is  involved  in  recogni- 
tion by  other  nations,  that  China  has  changed  her  form  of  gov- 
ernment, and  that  her  representative  and  duly  accredited  agent 
before  the  world  is  no  longer  an  Emperor,  but  a  President.  In 
the  analagous  case  of  the  recognition  of  Brazil  in  1890,  Senator 
Turpie  said:  "The  success  of  a  revolutionary  movement  is  in 
itself  a  statement  to  the  world  that  a  majority  of  a  nation  has 
chosen  a  change  of  government;  following  the  existence  of  the 
revolutionary  government,  and  under  its  authority,  will  come 
the  question  of  the  constitution,  laws,  statutes  and  ordinances  of 
the  new  government,  but  these  questions  are  wholly  internal 
ones." 


Many  authorities  on  international  law  support  the  legal  status 
of  the  present  government.  Hall  says :  "So  long  as  a  person 
or  a  body  of  persons  are  indisputably  in  possession  of  the  re- 
quired power,  foreign  states  treat  with  them  as  the  organ  of 
the  state;  but  so  soon  as  they  cease  to  be  the  actual  organ, 
foreign  states  cease  dealing  with  them;  and  it  is  usual,  if  the 
change  is  unquestionably  final,  to  open  relations  with  their  suc- 
cessors, independently  of  whether  it  has  been  effected  constitu- 
tionally." Wheaton  defines  a  de  facto  government  as  "One 
which  is  really  in  possession  of  the  powers  of  sovereignty, 
although  the  possession  may  be  wrongful  or  precarious."  Philli- 
more  states,  "that  the  recognition  of  a  new  government  should 
be  preceded  by  "an  absolute  bona  fide  possession  of  independence 
as  a  separate  kingdom,  not  the  enjoyment  of  perfect  and  undis- 
turbed internal  tranquility  (a  test  too  severe  for  many  of  the 
oldest  kingdoms),  but  there  should  be  the  existence  of  a  gov- 
ernment— acknowledged  by  the  people  over  whom  it  is  set,  and 
ready  to  acknowledge  and  competent  to  discharge  international 
obligations."  The  present  conditions  in  China  satisfy  these 
definitions  of  a  de  facto  government.  • 

But  the  Republic  of  China  is  not  only  the  de  facto  gov- 
ernment, it  is  also  the  de  jure  government.  As  stated  by  Dr. 
Chao-Chu  Wu,  son  of  ex-Minister  Wu  Ting  Fang,  "the  Manchu 
rulers  were  not  illegally  driven  from  the  throne,  but  they  abdi- 
cated of  themselves,  and  with  their  last  act  legalized  the  Re- 
public. The  abdication  edict  transfers  the  sovereignty,  hitherto 
vested  in  the  Emperor  alone,  to  the  people;  it  legalizes  the  Re- 
public, and,  what  is  more  to  the  purpose,  it  constitutes  a  recogni- 
tion of  the  new  government  by  the  sovereign  power."  Hall 
says :  "Recognition  by  a  parent  state,  by  implying  an  aban- 
donment of  all  pretentions  over  the  insurgent  community,  is 
more  conclusive  evidence  of  independence  than  recognition  by 
a  third  power,  and  it  '  removes  all  doubt  from  the  minds  of 
other  governments  as  to  the  propriety  of  recognition  by  them- 
selves." When  the  fallen  government  of  China  has  itself  rec- 
ognized the  new  government,  what  reason  is  there  for  other 
governments  to  delay? 

For  the  reasons  enumerated — the  status  of  the  present  gov- 
ernment of  China,  the  virtues  of  the  Chinese  race,  the  char- 
acter of  the  Revolution  in  which  these  virtues  have  found  their 
expression  in  bringing  about  the  change  of  government,  for  all 
these  reasons,  the  Republic  of  China  is  deserving  of  immediate 
recognition  by  the  nations  of  the  world.  But  there  are  special 
reasons  why  recognition  should  be  accorded  by  our  government 
first  of  all. * 


8 

Special  obligations  are  laid  upon  us  of  the  United  States 
by  our  position  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  as  the  most  powerful 
Republic  in  existence,  and  one  of  the  oldest.  The  President  of 
the  United  States  is  rightly  regarded  as  "the  champion  and 
exponent  of  that  form  of  government  consecrated  by  the  blood 
of  our  Revolutionary  fathers."  Our  own  Republican  principles 
justify  China  in  looking  to  us  for  sympathy  and  support  in  this 
hour  of  crisis  and  of  need. 

Such  an  expectation  is  warranted  by  our  dealings  with  other 
nations.  Numerous  precedents  might  be  cited  to  show  that  it 
has  always  been  the  policy  of  the  United  States  Government 
to  recognize  the  existence  of  a  government  which  was  capable 
of  maintaining  itself.  Our  relations  with  France  illustrate  this. 
On  November  7,  1792,  in  reply  to  a  letter  from  Gouverneur 
Morris,  then  American  Minister  to  Paris,  describing  the  bloody 
revolution  which  had  just  been  effected  in  that  capital,  Thomas 
Jefferson,  Secretary  of  State,  wrote  as  follows :  "It  accords 
with  our  principles  to  acknowledge  any  government  to  be  right- 
ful which  is  formed  by  the  will  of  the  nation  substantially  de- 
clared." Later  he  added :  "We  surely  cannot  deny  to  any 
nation  that  right  whereon  our  own  government  is  founded — 
that  everyone  may  govern  itself  according  to  whatever  form  it 
pleases,  and  change  these  forms  at  its  own  will ;  and  that  it 
may  transact  its  business  with  foreign  nations  through  whatever 
organ  it  thinks  proper,  whether  king,  convention,  assembly,  com- 
mittee, president,  or  anything  else  it  may  choose.  The  will  of 
the  nation  is  the  only  thing  essential  to  be  regarded."  The  estab- 
lishment of  the  Second  Republic  occurred  on  the  24th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1848,  and  less  than  a  week  after  our  Minister  to  France, 
Mr.  Rush,  presented  the  formal  congratulations  of  our  gov- 
ernment. Mr.  Buchanan,  in  transmitting  to  Mr.  Rush  a  letter 
of  credence  to  the  French  Republic,  said :  "In  its  intercourse 
with  foreign  nations,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has, 
from  its  origin,  always  recognized  the  de  facto  governments. 
We  recognize  the  right  of  all  nations  to  create  and  reform  their 
political  institutions  according  to  their  own  will  and  pleasure. 
We  do  not  go  behind  the  existing  government  to  involve  our- 
selves in  the  question  of  its  legitimacy.  It  is  sufficient  for  us 
to  know  that  a  government  exists  capable  of  maintaining  itself; 
and  then  its  recognition  on  our  part  inevitably  follows."  Even 
as  late  as  September  8,  1900,  Mr.  Hill,  acting  Secretary  of  State, 
sent  to  Mr.  Hart,  U.  S.  Minister  at  Bogota,  the  following  in- 
structions: "The  policy  of  the  United  States,  announced  and 
practiced  upon  occasion  for  more  than  a  century,  has  been  and 
is  to  refrain  from  acting  upon  conflicting  claims  to  the  de 


jure  control  of  the  executive  power  of  a  foreign  state;  but  to 
base  the  recognition  of  a  foreign  government  solely  upon  its 
de  facto  ability  to  hold  the  reins  of  adminstrative  power."  In 
withholding  recognition  from  the  Republic  of  China,  the  present 
administration  is  departing  from  the  policy  of  the  great  found- 
ers of  our  nation. 

There  are  questions  in  expediency  and  advantage  as  well 
as  of  principle  in  this  matter  of  recognition.  We  may  well  con- 
sider what  some  of  these  results  would  be.  First,  China  would 
be  encouraged  and  strengthened  in  her  efforts  for  reform  and 
education.  Evidences  of  the  educational  awakening  are  coming 
from  every  part  of  the  land.  The  Canton  Christian  college  may 
be  taken  as  typical.  The  number  of  students  in  that  institution 
has  increased  from  256  to  418  in  one  term,  and  the  Chinese 
residents  there  have  recently  given  over  $80,000  (equivalent  to 
many  times  that  in  purchasing  power  here)  for  new  buildings 
and  equipment  of  the  college.  The  new  Commissioner  of  Edu- 
cation in  Kwang-Tung  Province  has  secured  the  appropriation 
of  $100,000  gold  for  the  education  abroad  of  the  students  of  the 
province. 

A  second  result  of  recognition  would  be  the  stimulation  of 
trade  between  China  and  the  nations  of  the  West.  When  the 
international  relations  of  China  are  restored  to  normal  condi- 
tion, trade,  which  has  already  regained  most  of  the  ground  lost 
during  the  disturbances,  will  assuredly  rapidly  increase.  By 
recognizing  the  Republic  the  powers  will,  without  distinction, 
confer  a  boon  on  the  business  communities  of  their  respective 
nations.  Missionaries  and  other  representatives  of  Western  na- 
tions in  China,  also,  would  be  benefited  by  the  recognition  of 
the  Republic.  Though  the  Revolution  has  been  guarded  from 
assuming  any  anti-foreign  or  anti-missionary  character,  until 
perfect  order  is  established  there  must  be  risk  for  foreigners 
traveling  in  the  interior.  Dr.  Wu  states :  "It  is  within  the 
power  of  the  foreign  countries  to  reinforce  the  hand  of  the  gov- 
ernment, to  extend  to  it  moral  support,  and  give  it  added  prestige 
to  hasten  the  complete  restoration  of  order,  and  to  insure  the 
safety  of  their  citizens  and  subjects  throughout  the  vast  Re- 
public." 

The  greatest  advantage  to  be  gained  by  the  speedy  recogni- 
tion by  all  nations  would  be  the  prevention  of  intervention  on 
the  part  of  some  which  are  only  waiting  an  opportunity  to  appro- 
priate Chinese  territory,  just  as  they  did  with  the  continent  of 
Africa  some  thirty  years  ago.  The  partitioning  of  China  would 
be  a  crime  even  greater  than  the  partitioning  of  Poland,  and 
one  fraught  with  far  more  serious  consequences  to  the  human 
race  as  a  whole. 


10 

The  Chinese  Revolution  was  not  a  coup  d'etat,  without  like- 
lihood of  permanence;  the  old  monarchy  is  hopelessly  dead. 
The  Revolution  was  complete,  and  peace  reigns  throughout  the 
land.  The  new  government  is  without  opposition.  It  is  con- 
fronted with  many  difficulties,  but  they  do  not  spring  from  the 
attachment  of  people  to  the  departed  monarchy.  As  stated  by 
Dr.  Morrison  in  the  London  Times,  when  referring  to  the  danger 
of  China's  splitting  up,  "Where  is  the  line  of  cleavage?  Both 
parties  in  China  are  equally  Republican.  Those  who  allege  that 
President  Yuan  is  assuming  a  dictatorship  are  ignoring  the 
facts  of  his  career."  And  to  the  critics  who  charge  that  the 
President's  Council  is  composed  of  hostile  factions,  whose  quar- 
rels threaten  the  continuance  of  the  Republic,  he  says:  "Noth- 
ing could  be  more  misleading.  These  parties  differ  in  their 
programmes  as  political  parties  do  in  all  countries,  but  all  are 
equally  Republican."  To  those  who  think  it  is  a  reproach  and 
a  danger  that  the  new  men  active  in  the  government  are  inex- 
perienced, he  replies,  that  the  difference  can  be  shown  by  com- 
paring them  with  the  "corrupt  princes  and  degraded  eunuchs 
who  were  in  power  under  the  Manchu  dynasty." 

Given  recognition  by  foreign  governments,  freedom  from 
overt  acts  of  predatory  powers,  and  the  right  to  increase  her  own 
customs,  now  limited  to  five  per  cent. — a  right  wrung  from  her 
by  foreigners  to  secure  their  unholy  indemnities — China  will  pay 
all  her  obligations,  no  matter  how  unrighteous.  The  ruling  char- 
acteristic of  the  Chinaman  is  honesty.  He  never  repudiates  his 
financial  obligations. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  a  Chinese  bank  note  for  a  thousand  cash 
issued  by  the  great  Ming  Emperor  Hung  Wo,  in  the  year  1367. 
It  is  the  most  ancient  piece  of  financial  paper  in  existence,  except- 
ing some  duplicates,  one  of  which  I  presented  to  the  British 
Museum  several  years  ago.  It  is  three  hundred  years  older  than 
a  somewhat  similar  looking  note  for  which  the  British  Museum 
paid  Pope  Hennessy  500  pounds,  and  which,  until  this  was  dis- 
covered, was  supposed  to  be  the  oldest  in  the  world.  The  lowrer 
panel  contains  the  following,  as  translated  by  Professor  H.  B. 
Morse,  Commissioner  of  Customs  and  Inspectorate  General  of 
Customs  of  China:  "The  Imperial  Board  of  Revenue,  having 
memorialized  the  Throne,  has  received  the  Imperial  sanction  for 
the  issue  of  Government  notes  of  the  Ming  Empire,  to  circulate 
on  the  same  footing  as  standard  cash.  To  counterfeit  is  death. 
The  informant  will  receive  250  taels  of  silver,  and  in  addition, 
the  entire  property  of  the  criminal. — Signed,  Hung  Wu."  A 
seal  in  vermillion  bears  in  character  the  legend :  "Seal  for  cir- 
culating Government  Notes."  It  is  shown  as  an  authentic  proof 


11 

of  the  antiquity  of  the  Chinaman's  knowledge  of  matters  finan- 
cial, at  a  time  when  the  ancestors  of  the  six  powers  syndicate 
were  groping  in  the  darkness  of  feudalism — matters  in  which 
the  Chinaman  has  always  borne  the  unique  distinction  of  being 
the  soul  of  honor. 

The  integrity  of  the  Chinese  as  a  people  is  proverbial.  Their 
former  despotic  government,  despite  its  innate  corruption,  never 
failed  to  observe  its  financial  obligations  to  its  former  creditors, 
however  unjustly  incurred.  The  government  of  the  Republic 
has  solemnly  undertaken  to  faithfully  execute  all  the  obligations 
to  the  foreign  powers,  under  existing  treaties,  notwithstanding 
the  onerous  burden  entailed  upon  the  people,  and  which,  con- 
sidering their  enforced  origin,  might  with  some  reason  have 
justified  repudiation.  Apart  from  the  credit  for  past  perform- 
ances, faithfully  observed,  and  the  normal  revenues  from  trade, 
commerce  and  the  usual  taxes,  the  natural  resources  of  the  land 
are  incalculable.  Of  their  development,  a  beginning,  by  mod- 
ern methods,  has  only  yet  been  made;  but  where  it  has  been, 
every  encouragement  exists  for  extensive  exploitation  to  the 
great  advantage  of  the  people,  as  well  as  of  capital  involved  in 
such  industrial  enterprises.  The  extension  of  railways  also 
affords  scope  for  large  investments,  which  are  attracting  attention 
in  all  quarters,  to  provide  means  of  internal  commerce,  now  car- 
ried on  by  most  primitive  methods.  These  and  other  con- 
siderations justify  recourse  to  the  bankers  of  the  world  for  assist- 
ance on  equitable  conditions  toward  their  development. 

With  such  a  reputation  for  honor,  and  such  tempting  oppor- 
tunities for  the  successful  employment  of  capital  in  her  domain, 
why  should  China  be  forced  to  accept  humiliating  and  ignomin- 
ious terms  to  obtain  credit — terms  never  before  demanded  of  any 
other  nation?  Consider  Japan — that  other  great  star  of  the 
Orient — whose  natural  resources  are  incomparably  less  than  those 
of  China.  When  her  very  existence  as  a  nation  was  at  stake 
in  a  war  with  one  of  the  most  powerful  countries  of  Europe,  it 
was  my  privilege  as  well  as  pleasure  to  appear  with  Count 
Kaneko  before  a  syndicate  of  bankers  who  were  considering  the 
advisability  and  risk  of  underwriting  her  loan — and  to  urge  its 
acceptance.  I  had  seen  the  Japanese  army  in  action  and  believed 
in  its  final  triumph,  and  that  her  people  would  ultimately  pay 
her  obligations.  But  were  any  such  monstrous  conditions  de- 
manded from  her  by  the  underwriters  as  are  now  sought  by 
the  Six-Tuple  Syndicate  in  dealing  with  China?  On  the  con- 
trary, Japan  secured  the  money  necessary  to  carry  on  her  cam- 
paign on  easy  terms,  although  her  success  in  the  titanic  struggle 
in  which  she  was  then  engaged  was,  at  that  time,  by  no  means 
a  certainty. 


12 

In  the  case  of  China,  peace  reigns,  and  yet,  before  the  great 
financiers  consent  to  the  issuance  of  a  loan,  it  is  asserted  that 
they  demand  the  right  of  a  close  supervision  of  its  expenditure, 
that  it  be  ear-marked  for  purposes  acceptable  to  them,  that  it 
shall  not  be  available  for  military  or  naval  defense,  so  essential 
for  the  future  protection  of  the  country;  that  no  other  loans  or 
obligations  shall  be  made  by  China  without  the  consent  of  the 
syndicate,  and  that  certain  revenues  be  allotted  for  its  security. 
These  terms  the  statesmen  of  China  refused  and  they  have  had 
the  temerity  to  negotiate  an  independent  loan  for  $50,000,000 
in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  Six-Power  syndicate. 

On  the  question  of  China's  finances,  the  London  Times  said, 
after  the  floating  of  the  first  instalment  of  the  $50,000,000  loan, 
which  was  half  of  the  sum,  that  it  "rejoices  that  the  British  people 
have  manifested  a  different  spirit  from  that  of  their  government." 
It  condemns  the  government  for  backing  up  the  monopoly ;  it 
declares  that  the  Six-Power  group  had  "sought  to  set  up  a 
monopoly  in  China  under  the  aegis  of  international  diplomacy." 
It  also  declares  that  the  liabilities  of  the  country  to  June  next, 
including  indemnity  arrears,  will  amount  to  10,000,000  sterling 
and  that  "much  is  dependent  upon  the  generosity  of  the  foreign 
governments  and  the  banking  interests." 

According  to  Dr.  Morrison,  the  political  adviser  of  the 
Chinese  Government,  China  has  entered  upon  a  new  era  of  pros- 
perity, and  by  the  skill  and  judgment  of  her  financiers  has  shaken 
herself  free  from  international  complications.  The  London  Morn- 
ing Post  (Conservative)  remarks  gloomily:  "The  prospectus 
of  the  new  Chinese  loan  has  been  duly  issued.  *  *  The 

British  Government  has  been  roundly  accused  of  lending  itself 
to  a  plot  for  placing  China  at  the  mercy  of  a  syndicate  of  greedy 
financiers,  and  for  establishing  a  degrading  system  of  foreign 
control  over  her  internal  affairs.  The  breaking  off  of  the  nego- 
tiations between  the  Chinese  Government  and  the  Six-Power 
banking  group,  and  the  conclusion  of  the  loan  agreement  with 
the  London  financiers  have  been  hailed  as  a  destruction  of  the 
selfish  monopoly  which  was  strangling  the  freedom  of  the  young 
Republic."  The  London  Daily  News  continues,  "It  is  a  battle 
of  giants,  for  behind  the  Six  Powers  there  is  a  greedy  banking 
monopoly  which  has  hitherto  been  unchallenged,  and  behind  this 
monopoly  there  is  a  complicated  network  of  international  in- 
trigue, partly  German,  partly  American,  partly  Russian,  and  part- 
ly Japanese,"  and  I  think  we  may  add,  largely  English. 

On  October  30th,  1912,  one  of  the  interested  powers,  Russia, 
proposed  that  a  joint  and  pre-emptory  demand  be  made  upon 
China  for  the  immediate  payment  of  arrears  in  the  Boxer  in- 


13 

demnity,  the  sum  amounting  to  $50,000,000.  It  was  privately  in- 
timated, and  not  officially  denied,  that  this  movement,  made  on 
October  30,  was  intended  as  an  emphatic  rebuke  to  the  Chinese 
for  their  temerity  in  contracting  loans  with  independent  bank- 
ers ;  disregarding  the  warning  of  the  powers,  and  their  rejection 
of  the  proposed  loan  by  the  Six-Power  syndicate.  It  is  stated 
on  high  authority  that  the  powers  of  Europe  look  favorably  upon 
this  proposal.  In  taking  the  initiative  in  the  movement  to  com- 
pel China  to  accept  the  proposal  of  the  Six-Power  syndicate,  and 
the  refusal  on  China's  part  to  accept  the  terms,  Russia,  as  stated 
in  reports  received  on  November  7th,  has  been  led  to  negotiate 
with  one  of  China's  provinces,  Mongolia,  a  treaty,  signed  on 
November  3rd,  by  which  she  agrees  to  aid  Mongolia  to  maintain 
the  automonous  government  which  she  has  established,  and  to 
support  her  right  to  maintain  a  national  army,  and  to  exclude 
both  the  presence  of  Chinese  troops  and  the  colonization  of  her 
territory  by  the  Chinese. 

In  this  act  Russia  is  following  the  lead  of  her  ally,  Great 
Britain,  who  not  long  ago  proclaimed  what  amounts  to  a  pro- 
tectorate over  the  territory  of  Thibet,  just  as,  on  a  recent  occasion, 
Great  Britain  joined  Russia  in  their  monstrous  and  disgraceful 
treatment  of  Persia.  It  is  the  consummation  of  the  policy  of 
"squeeze"  that  has  been  carried  on  ever  since  China  opened  her 
doors,  at  the  mouth  of  the  cannon,  to  the  crime  of  the  century, 
the  opium  trade  of  England,  and  later,  to  so-called  modern 
civilization. 

Thus  it  seems  that  the  vivisection  of  the  sick  man  of  the 
Far  East  may  proceed  merrily,  without  consideration  for  the  in- 
terests or  sentiments  of  the  patient  under  the  scalpel.  This 
at  the  moment  seems  to  be  the  lamentable  result  of  the  action 
of  the  Six-Power  syndicate.  It  seems  apparent  that  the  famous 
combination  has  signally  failed  in  its  financial  policy,  despite 
governmental  assistance,  and  that  nothing  has  been  gained  by 
the  delay  in  the  recognition  of  the  Republic.  But  what  has  been 
lost? 

By  formally  recognizing  the  new  government  as  soon  as  it 
had  demonstrated  its  right  to  such  recognition,  America  would 
have  followed  the  splendid  traditions  of  our  forebears,  who  enun- 
ciated and  practiced  the  laws  of  justice  and  liberty  which  made 
our  country  great,  and  from  whose  teachings  we  have  departed 
too  far.  We  would  have  had  the  proud  distinction  of  being  the 
first  to  welcome  the  Republic  in  its  hour  of  trial.  We  would  have 
secured  the  eternal  friendship  and  respect  of  a  nation,  which,  no 
matter  what  adversity  it  may  yet  have  to  face,  is  destined  to 
be  one  of  the  greatest  and  grandest  on  earth.  We  would  have 


14 

immeasurably  increased  our  prestige  in  the  Orient,  and  possibly, 
by  proclaiming  the  policy  of  "hands  off"  and  the  "open  door"  in 
China,  averted  the  tragedy  that  now  seems  almost  inevitable. 

Is  there  anyone  present  who  believes  that  if  John  Hay  had 
been  in  the  Department  of  State  during  the  past  year,  the  Re- 
public of  China  would  not  have  been  recognized  long  ago?  Had 
his  policy  been  followed  directly  after  the  abdication  of  the 
Manchu  Dynasty,  China,  in  the  opinion  of  well-informed  author- 
ities, would  have  escaped  many  of  the  dangers  now  menacing 
her.  Time  was,  in  the  history  of  American  diplomacy,  when  our 
Executive  acted  upon  the  recognition  of  downtrodden  nations 
which  had  emancipated  themselves  from  tyranny  and  established 
Republican  forms  of  government,  without  consultation  or  dic- 
tation from  Lombard  or  Wall  Street.  The  majority  of  our  peo- 
ple are,  and  from  the  first  have  been,  in  sincere  sympathy  with 
China  in  her  struggle  for  liberty.  Is  their  will  to  be  carried  out 
or  is  liberty,  and  opportunity,  to  be  throttled  and  made  subservient 
to  a  group  of  capitalists  who  seek  to  monopolize  the  privilige  of 
dictatorship  ? 

"Ill  fares  the  land,  to  hastening  ills  a  prey, 
Where  wealth  accumulates,  and  men  decay." 


The  following  "Open  Letter"  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  was  sent  by  the  President  of  the  China  Societv  on  Septem- 
ber 21st,  1912: 

247  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 

HON.  WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT, 

President,  White  House, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT:  The  China  Society  of  America,  im- 
patient at  your  protracted  delay  in  formally  recognizing  the  Re- 
public of  China, — a  delay  that  not  only  prevents  the  prosperity 
and  development  of  the  country,  but  that  menaces  its  very  life 
by  threatening  the  maintenance  of  the  integrity  of  its  territory, — 
now  appeals  to  you  again  to  promptly  grant  the  recognition  to 
the  Republic  which  its  people  have  so  honorably  won. 

Our  correspondence  on  this  subject,  extending  over  a  period 
of  six  months,  has  proved  most  unsatisfactory.  Replies  from  the 
Secretary  of  State  have  been  evasive,  procrastinating  and  decep- 
tive. Only  after  repeated  appeal  was  any  word  received  from 


15 

him  other  than  the  stereotyped  assurance  that  the  subject  was 
receiving  his  "careful  consideration"  and  "unremitting  attention" 
until  his  letter  of  June  17th,  which  states:  "It  is  the  disposition 
of  the  Executive  to  accord  recognition  at  the  earliest  opportunity 
afforded  under  the  established  usages  of  International  Law." 
This,  as  you  well  know,  is  true  only  as  it  applies  to  foreign 
nations,  and  not  to  us,  as  every  tradition  in  American  history 
proves. 

May  I  venture  to  ask  why  there  is  occasion  for  further  delay, 
and  also  whether  "the  established  usages  of  International  Law" 
referred  to  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  were  followed  in  the  case 
of  the  recognition  of  the  Republics  of  Brazil,  of  Portugal,  of 
Panama,  or  of  any  of  the  fourteen  Central  and  South  American 
Republics — in  the  majority  of  which  actual  hostilities  were  being 
conducted  when  our  Executive  accorded  them  recognition  ?  Does 
an  almost  bloodless  revolution,  from  despotism  to  democracy, 
rather  than  a  protracted  and  bloodly  war,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
American  and  French  Revolution,  diminish  the  right  of  a  people 
to  recognition  ?  Does  it  not  rather  give  added  assurances  of  their 
strength  and  fitness  to  be  governed  by  their  newly  chosen  form 
of  government,  and  their  willingness  to  abide  by  its  decress  ? 

Is  the  time-honored  policy  of  our  country,  as  defined  by  Bur- 
lingame  and  Hay,  to  be  ignored  ?  Your  own  public  utterances  in 
China,  when  you  assured  her  people  that  the  policy  of  the  "Open 
Door,"  as  defined  by  John  Hay,  would  be  continued  by  you,  now 
warrant  the  expectation  that  we  would  be  the  first  to  welcome 
her  to  the  sisterhood  of  Republics. 

The  opportunity  of  cementing  the  friendship  of  the  third  of 
the  human  race  should  not  be  lightly  neglected.  I  believe  that 
no  act  of  your  administration  would  be  more  in  accord  with  the 
sentiment  of  our  people  or  increase  American  interests  and  pres- 
tige in  the  Orient  than  the  prompt  recognition  by  you  of  the  Re- 
public of  China. 

Nearly  a  year  has  elapsed  since  the  people  of  that  land  as- 
sumed the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  self-government.  During 
this  time,  by  a  process  of  evolution  rather  than  revolution,  the 
equal  of  which  is  not  recorded  in  history,  they  have  emerged 
from  a  state  of  absolute  despotism  to  one  of  democracy.  They 
have  established  an  effective  government  which  has  been  recog- 
nized by  the  Representatives  in  Pekin  of  all  nations  having  official 
and  business  relations  with  China  with  but  one  exception.  The 
Government  of  China  is  pledged  to  carry  on  the  obligations  of 
its  predecessor  in  all  treaty  engagements  with  foreign  powers, 
and  it  is,  in  effect,  the  only  recognized  authority  in  the  country. 
In  their  struggle  for  emancipation  from  a  tyranny  that  had  few 


16 

if  any  counterparts  in  the  modern  world,  the  people  of  China  are 
entitled  to  the  sympathy  and  support  of  the  friends  of  liberty 
the  world  over.  In  establishing  a  Republican  form  of  Govern- 
ment, largely  based  upon  our  own  system,  they  have  an  especial 
claim  on  the  sympathy  of  the  American  people.  I  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  offer  the  opinion  that  such  sympathy  is  general  among  our 
people.  The  withholding  of  formal  recognition  by  our  Govern- 
ment is  felt  to  be  a  serious  hardship  to  the  Chinese,  and  tends  to 
increase  their  difficulties  in  overcoming  such  adverse  factors  as 
exist  in  the  situation. 

Now  that  an  American  has  successfully  placed  a  Fifty  Mil- 
lion Dollar  loan,  in  defiance  of  the  powerful  six-power  syndicate, 
it  is  clearly  demonstrated  that  banking  interests  of  all  characters 
are  sufficiently  satisfied  as  to  the  permanency  and  stability  of  the 
Republic  of  China.  It  is  true  that  the  syndicate  referred  to  is 
backed  by  the  diplomacy  of  various  countries,  but  that  adds  to 
rather  than  lessens  the  feeling  that  the  syndicate  loan  is  to  be 
used  by  these  countries  for  their  own  purposes  and  not  for  the 
best  interest  of  the  new  Republic.  If  banking  interests,  notori- 
ously the  most  careful  and  timorous  of  all,  are  willing  to  con- 
cede the  stability  of  that  Government,  why  should  this  Republic 
hesitate  to  grant  recognition?  Months  ago  Congress  passed  a 
joint  resolution,  without  a  single  dissenting  voice  in  either  Senate 
or  House,  urgently  recommending  the  immediate  recognition  of 
the  Republic.  If  it  is  not  granted,  the  friends  of  China  must 
appeal  to  public  opinion  to  see  why  "the  established  usages  of 
International  Law,"  which  were  sufficiently  elastic  to  allow  of 
the  recognition  of  Panama,  now  prevent  the  recognition  of  the 
only  established  government  of  a  peace-loving  people,  whose 
numbers  include  nearly  one-third  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth. 
In  the  name  of  Peace,  of  which  you  are  such  a  notable  advocate, 
why  withhold  longer  from  this  peace-loving  people  the  recogni- 
tion they  have  so  honorably  won  ? 

Respectfully  submitting  these  suggestions  for  your  careful 
consideration,  I  have  the  honor  to  remain 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Louis  LIVINGTON  SEAMAN, 
President  of  the  China  Society  of  America. 


14  DAY  USE 

TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


JAN     2 1968 


LD  21A-60m-2.'C7 
(H241slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY, 
BERKELEY 

THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW 

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MAY 


REC'D  LD 

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' 


